Perhaps the greatest want of the Protestant faith in the 500 odd years since its birth at Wittenberg is the want of historical imagination. Its Puritan industriousness notwithstanding, the scions of faith have met frequently with the not undeserved criticism of many of the West's surly muses and doom-saying prophets on this account. This want of rootedness in history took the form of the eschatological expectations of the Church, in its varied forms, with the last act of the drama telescoped forward, rendering to a nullity the interregnum of the Church age. Yet, though we may be citizens of heaven, as the Apostle wrote, we are also subjects of Time, and it is in time that we know our essential selves, both individually and corporately. Many in the church have been appalled by the flesh of history, yet not the church as a whole. When we say the flesh of history, we are not indulging in metaphor. We refer to the corporate nature of social being (a nature denied in Enlightenment thinking), as signaled in the shared traits and lore of human families. That is, we are talking about race. Indeed, rather than deny that link, the Church has corporately recognized until very recently, to paraphrase Disraeli, that race is the very key to the past, and that in this past is identity, a God-ordained foundation of human thinking and emoting -both the shared and individual marks of the bodily existence and the regeneration to come, precisely who we are as humans.
It is a truism that the spirit of the West, ancient and modern, is inextricably bound with that of Christianity, its successes and failures are in part Hers. Yet there also exists a shared identity of heritage that extends beyond the frailer tenets of party spirit, and of denomination. Race is both biological and historical, and the Church's recent rejection of race has been its rejection also, therefore, of history. In this it is both a party to the creation and a sufferer of the unforeseen fruit of political radicalism, and democratic egalitarianism –fruit that is not sprung from the logical necessities of Protestant dogma per se, but the enslavement of those precepts to the political presuppositions of the age. Kinism is conceived, therefore, as a counterrevolutionary movement, which rejects the god of the National Convention for the God of Scripture, in whose leaves are inscribed the laws of freedom, for a lawless liberty is but the tyranny of the many over the few, if they exercise real power, and the few over the many, if they are oppressed by a mental serfdom. History has been thought by the modern Church an indulgence in a too-fleshly devotion, a pagan idolatry that elevates man above God. As a result, the social and political economy of America has been transformed into a revolutionary force by, among other things, a Theological prioritization of immanence, His immediacy and presence. But what is this unbalanced focus on immanence but a sweeping away of the mediatorial role of institutions in human society? The connection between Theology, politics, and sociology is patent. The immanence of God stands as a supposedly equalizing, indeed leveling, force in society. All distinction of class, rank, accomplishment, institutional belonging, tribe, and geography are cast aside as a cultic Novus Ordo Seclorum is inaugurated -a theological, political, and social Year Zero.
In our own era, this a-historical logic is a natural ally of the economism that treats culture as a manufacture, and society as a market, freed from the necessary restraints of both identity and history, rather than the shared inheritance of a people, its proper rôle. A solely immanent god becomes a creature of party, an expression of the zeitgeist, and his laws become the positive law of the victors in a dialectic of "social evolution", where only the currently operative social thesis has any importance. It is no coincidence that the Marxian program is at odds with memory itself, for the state must be empowered to remake man, and to accomplish this he must forget whom he has been, and therein who he must always be. But the flesh does not forget. While it is true that a remaking of man is invoked by Christ under the rubric of the "regeneration," or paliggenesia. This rehabilitation, though it is frequently called out in the extant literature critical of Protestantism as an anti-traditional force, bears only a superficial resemblance to the revolutionary program of synthesis. In the Bible view, man is not severed from history, but rather is called upon to honor his father and mother, a trans-generational commandment. Man's God-resemblance is therefore seen as a bearing of the image of God through the agency of social, biological and spiritual inheritance. Man has precisely the bodily inheritance the Lord wishes him to have, nor are his shared characteristics (his limited collective identity) accidental or a flaw to be remediated by social action; man possesses exactly the shared inheritance with members of his fleshly nation that God desires him to have. To the extent that Protestantism adheres to the Bible view, it is cleared of the charge of this radicalism, and this has been its stance up to the demise of the Old School Presbyterians. As Hilaire Belloc admits in his lecture on civilization-crisis from which the book was taken, Protestantism released historic-social forces that had been prepared by Roman Catholicism itself. Indeed, from the perspective of real tradition, the word "civilization" itself is unknown. When it has become an object of consciousness, a society has already begun to lose the thing itself, what is denoted by the term. This process is perhaps inexorable –if we are to take Spengler at his word, but in that inevitability can come the consciousness that spawns a new beginning for the ideals that animated the former culture. The immemorial nature of man, far from being denied in historic Protestantism, or subject to a regimen of improvement and transformation, is accepted as the fallen and finite image (shadow, or outline) of the Creator, the redemption from barbarity of which is the grace of obedience to the wise and ancient counsel of both scripture and Church.
Though some of the Protestant faith view this as problematic, it is undeniable that credalism is a form of tradition, and institutional memory. And the Anabaptist denial of creed is a further and even more radical denial of history, and this disposition is visible in an anti-institutional disposition that is beyond the scope of this essay. This is the essence of conservatism: the collective, institutional cognizance of the irremediable fallibility of man. And yet, since institutionally there is nothing now to conserve among the ruins of the Republic, true conservatism must be both a conscious cultivation of the experience of history, and the re-framing, and re-institution of its principles. It is only thus that white culture can be spared from the disintegrating forces of liberal religion as well as socio-political disenfranchisement. To be sure, the notion of the depravity of man has called for his remaking, and the Roman doctrine can be viewed as less apt to be expropriated by the provocateurs and professional agitators of the mob. But the locus of that total remaking is not in this world, and the reformed view of law is not as savior but as ward against the indefatigable force of collective secular salvation, that is, revolution and the idea of "progress" that it enjoins.
In the opposite extreme, the wholly transcendent god of the Deists, has marooned man amidst the planetary-scale wreckage of the project of Power, which is unity, or Our-doxy versus Their-doxy, to make use of Carlyle's maxim. But this unity is never unqualified; there must always be reserved to the Platonic Managers the right to shepherd divine man away from the cliffs of counterrevolution, or what should properly be known as "conservatism". Thus in its two extremes we have the alternating ascendance of monism and radical individualism (anarchism), which are but mirror images of the same error. Protestantism, even all Christianity, must ask the question, if all that remains to men is the logic of finality, the eschaton, then what need has man of annals and the slow divagations of cultural time that make up human trans-personal identity? Indeed, if culture is a creature of history as the capacities of racial-ethnic being display themselves, then in the advent of the egalitarian eschaton is culture also at an end, and the divisions of man, according to the prevailing interpretation, seem as superfluous as the class compartments of former times do on a sinking ocean liner. But this malformed vision of time and identity is wrongheaded, and worse, it is not even Christian. History itself, and therefore culture, has been placed in the service of a fallen prescription of the temporal means of God's Kingdom. Identity has been subjected to the program of "soul-winning," for the hour was deemed late. And the worth of the forms of life's conduct, that surfeit beyond its immediate requirements, was measured only, at times, against the truncated scale of values that such spiritual exigency affords. But Christ himself has provided an open-ended vista to the annals of man in His command to "occupy" ‘til He comes. And this occupation is the very stuff of human ethnic diversity, the paths we of the West have taken through time, and the mysteries of the path before us –for, indeed, the path is still before us if we are to obey the commandment to occupy. The purpose of evangelism is not human biological or ethnic unity, but of the saving of a remnant among all peoples. The use of the plural is intentional here, for the scripture speaks uniformly of a plurality of nations, both in this world and the next. This focus is no denial of Christian brotherhood, but the rejection of an idolatrous unity that would take godly difference and undo it, as though the creature should correct the error of the creator. The sense of race consciousness being an error might, then, arise from the mistaken notion that race is not biological, that it is somehow a triviality of "perspective" or an outmoded barbarity that survives from the past. But truth, if the word has any meaning, cannot become outmoded except in a society that no longer has any regard for it, thinking it an inconvenience. This relativism is an ancient perspective. Recall the words of a certain Roman procurator in Christ's day, sounding very much like Michel Foucault when he asks, "What is truth?"
Since we have been given an open ended command by our King, nor has it been committed to us to undertake completion of history, we must re-assert the enduring memory of the Western Time, both of the "imperfect strivings" of the pagan fathers, and errors of the Church. Thus nothing is at an end, certainly not nationality or ethnicity, but rather the working of Divine will in the White heart has only begun. And of other nation-families, we expect and treasure the self-same Will to Identity (a species of the Will to Power). For these, God also has a path through history for them to take. There is not one historical path, nor is there a single civilization –the idea of unitary civilization being a product of progressivism itself. One warning must be issued to homo religiosus: the path of history cannot be abbreviated. The telescoping of unseen temporal ends through the apotheosis of human, and thus fallible, notions of unity, and the "corrective" measures such notions inspire, is the Sovietization of man. And a further warning to the clerics of mythical homo economicus, the god of uni-polar American political discourse: price can only communicate the cost of what can be bought, and culture cannot be bought. But it can be destroyed. Tradition says that price does not equal worth, a point ably demonstrated by John Attarian in his pamphlet on economism. To the thorough-going economism that is a chief element in the civil religion and increasingly of evangelicalism itself, and the end to which the fabled Protestant work ethic has come, culture is a "myth" (in the bowdlerized meaning of this term as illusionary, fictional) -dross to be burned out of the golden idol of man by the technic of desire and supply. In economism, the only evil is the failure to provide a supply for an existing demand, regardless of how perverse that demand may be. There is no limit to the destructive power of this idea, and when it is wedded to Biblical "liberty" (seen more as license that derives from misuse of salvation). The "ought" and the "why" of existence have been reduced to merely the "how."
Now I would like to turn for a moment from our brief consideration of the role of Protestantism in political and social radicalism to a view of social and political trends. Certainly, the West is at an important crossroad, but one you will not find examined in the popular or academic media, save repeating the soothing reassurances of our political physicians, that the pangs of race will have concluded shortly now, as the white genetic heritage becomes rarer, as the demon of "intolerance" is slowly exorcised. This demon is, of course, the self-conscious identity of the White West. By such inhuman logic, a cultivated and self-conscious identity in the white race is "intolerance" itself, whereas identity in all other races conforms to the desideratum of "diversity". Thus in the parlance of "respectable" discourse, "diversity" is a euphemism for non-white. This absurd but very widespread claim does not take into account the bewildering ethnic and even physiological diversity among whites, focusing exclusively on race, even as it would deny the existence of the very thing it uses to distinguish. There is only one kind of diversity that counts, and it's whatever kind is expedient to undermine white identity. Indeed, in elite academic and media star chambers the very existence of whites is deemed to be an affront to humanity, a "cancer", as Susan Sontag famously opined –or an inconvenience to the plutocratic caste. That such chilling sentiments as Sontag's (or worse yet) could not only be uttered publicly, but also receive the plaudits of the world's academic elites should send an unmistakable message: we are nurturing a viper in our bosom.
It would seem, if even a cursory view of modern academic and Church literature is taken, that the former opprobrium reserved for eugenics and racial hygiene is in reality reserved for whites engaged in such thinking. Moves toward the advancement of human biological unity are themselves a form of racial hygiene and ethnic cleansing, and the racial-ethnic exclusionistic rhetoric of American minorities is merely a rite of passage into their respective identities, and meets with little if any academic, political, or religious resistance. Moreover, white identity poses an existential threat to the project of the enlargement and total liberation of international commercial markets –the arriere pensee behind the project of human unity- precisely because it is enjoined by an inveterate religio-spiritual framework for such identity. Since the goal of the plutocrat cannot be accomplished without the destruction of cultural and even national boundaries, ethnic exceptionalism and integrity are the enemies of the Trade Kings. The modern Church (Protestant and Catholic) is profoundly complicit in this cult of mammon. There is, as can be plainly seen, a conflation of the interests of transnational corporations and the academic, political, and religious provacateurs of the third world. Schadenfreude toward Western decline is a mark of standing among international race demagogues, and the reflexive and apologetic racial awakening of whites is a cue to turn up the heat. Tom Wolfe once called this strategy Mau Mauing the Flak Catchers. And invariably, it is a white Christian catching the flak. As a consequence, a storm of proletarian "social justice" in the sartorial splendor of racial envy may break upon us in the foreseeable future. In fact, it is already here, and astute observers of cultural are now invoking the ancient Roman warning, "Hannibal ad portas!" But this time it is not a bedtime story to frighten children.
Along these lines, the recent mobilizations of illegal aliens for the purpose of racial saber rattling is a disturbing portent. Yet in spite of what must be classed as Latin racism marching in our streets, McChurch pastors murmur lugubriously about "racial reconciliation", while the Children of Aztlan have a different sort of reconciliation in mind: the ascendancy of La Raza and the historical corrective of a blatant irredentism. But these are "sordid" concerns next to the pressing issue of diversifying the physiology of the faces staring back from the pews. And you will likely detect no outrage from our country's Christian shepherds over this upwelling of brown racism. That would be impolite. And after all, they have their tax exemptions to fret about. The Chicano separatists of La Raza and other immigrant racialist factions boldly proclaim what white pastors will not even admit privately: that race is wired into human consciousness in a way that no religious or social deconstruction will ever completely eradicate. Therefore the goal is not eradication but suppression of even inadvertent expression of white racial solidarity in the face of alien cultural predation, facilitate by elites. "Jonestowns" are the result when the effort at ethnic "reconciliation" is pressed too far. Committed to the memory hole is the inconvenient fact that the Jim Jones cult was an experiment in the religious exorcism of the bugaboo of "racism." We can speak of "whites" and of a "West" as real and not imaginary constructions (reifications) for they are not imagined things, not theses in some spectral dance of propositions, nor are they the mere spectacle of partisans manning this or that broken barricade. The West is a group of peoples and a shared heritage as articulated and variable as it is collectively cohesive and historically intelligible.
This simple and ordinary assertion is also highly subversive, and its utterance is a counterrevolutionary act against the totalitarian regimes of human unity. It is easy to sound alarums, and very often this is done in want of a perspective seasoned by the vicissitudes of life. But if cries do not go up now, how will those who are slumbering be awakened? Save for a few enclaves of sanity, the media belongs to the opponents of white identity and ethnic self-interest, the Neo-Babylonians. In their "Long March through the institutions," the radicals achieved the unthinkable: they effaced a thousand years of history in a single generation and won a psychological war, nay, a terror campaign, against white identity.
Their victory has been so complete that, today, most every brief impasse of the neo-Babylonian unity project is treated to overwhelming but superficial exposure in the national media, and both careful and colorful obfuscation by its Mandarins of the imposition of the dogma of the civil religion, which is universal equality. The shibboleths of "racism", "sexism", and the other hackneyed Marxian neologisms, are sufficient to send the most ardent defender of ethnic integrity running for the door of the green room. A seemingly endless series of "crises" and "unprecedented developments" have proved an effective distraction from the unsleeping work of mechanical malice against white Western unity, universally referred to by the term "racism". The mild and abashed protests of white Christians against their "ghettoization" are shouted down by the cadres of True Believers and cynical plutocrats, fomenting the next crise du siècle in order to push the world toward arrant globalism and the abolishment of nationality itself.
The symptoms of a painstaking deconstruction of the idea of nationalism are unmistakable. I say painstaking because it is an engineered disease in the repose of the once Christian civilization -the spiritual repose of a sure identity and a certain station. The proximate cause of the malaise is a departure from the counsels of scripture certainly, but further, it is the very specific transgression of a willful amnesia, a casting off of the moorings of the past, a dishonoring of the fathers, a petty libel against great men. For the offspring of postmodernism, the past simply does not exist, not in the same way that it existed to Carlyle or Burckhardt. As we witness the "jostling" of ethnic-racial minorities for the prizes of white self-divestiture, we ought take note of the manner in which a once-vigorous people may be coaxed by perversions of religious dogma to destroy themselves. It is now de rigeur in Protestant, and particularly Presbyterian churches to regard any opposition to the ritual suicide of whites as actionable heterodoxy. What has become of our Parson's Rebellion?! In our enemy-occupied universities, European and American history, the living artery of it, was cut off, and cauterized in the 19th century. This was done so that we might forget both our Christianity and our essentially European derivation. If the white Christian, the architect of America and (virtually of the West itself on the abandoned pavements of Rome) -if he can be made to think himself another ethnic client in the rapidly balkanizing squabble for government patronage, then he has effectively performed a revolutionary auto da fe upon himself. It is now a truism that equality is the nearly unchallenged dogma of both our declared religion, Christianity, and our actual, positive faith, the civil religion.
This civil religion, it must be said, is but the "official" position. Which is why we know that it is not a belief but a stratagem for those who knowingly propagate it. Indeed, we are made to wonder when our overlords use ostensibly racist tactics in order to -we are constantly reminded- end racism. What we should gather from this is that these masters are so arrogant, so secure in their station, that they do not even feel the need to maintain the decorous pretense of the equality they unceasingly promote through the official organs: organs corporate, bureaucratic, academic, religious, as well as the "free press," which is but the public relations machinery of the corporate oligarchy. These are the five fountains of "fashionable opinion", and the sources of the unceasing deluge of agitprop that is our daily intellectual diet. Careful scholarship must be undertaken to fully reveal the paths by which Authorized Thought moves from its source into seemingly independent institutions from which all outward signs of dissent and dispute have long since vanished. I have elsewhere described this phenomenon as the "conspiracy of consensus," and this consensus is the power by which even the historically manifest and empirically demonstrable is brazenly denied in the face of unimpeachable evidence: that the ethos of America was never fashioned of such low stuff as universal equality, with its assertions about the nature of man that beggar the truths of common observation. Indeed, the constant deployment of such arrant irrationalism in the academic, cultural and political spheres of life can be quite realistically viewed as a kind of "psyop" that has the goal of intellectual and spiritual demoralization. All that is missing are the klieg lamps, loudspeakers, and snarling dogs. Progress has ensured this old-fashioned props of the totalitarian mind are no longer necessary. We are quite willing as a people to confess our "sin" and stand in a queue to enter the psychological concentration camps.
In every public debate on race (when debate is not foreclosed altogether by the howling of an organized mob of self-loathing bourgeoisie or the diktats of a petty bureaucrat), the saints of egalitarianism, the Fathers of the American aufklaruung are trotted out by "conservatives" to lend their support from the grave to the program of forcible unity. The Founding Fathers are now the knife in the ritual seppuku of the nation. It matters not that when the whole of their extant writings is examined, a reasonable man could only conclude that these noble fathers to a man maintained an unwavering hostility toward the extreme reaches of the French sickness, egalité, which, as Spengler showed, was in actuality, an English malady: incubated in the stew of Oxford and sent abroad in philosophical hosts Rousseau and Mirabeau. The English malady then becomes pandemic in the vector of the Napoleonic wars. We must truncate the famous phrase from which the word egalité is taken to camouflage its ghastly logic from those who might be awakened by it: liberté, égalité, fraternité, or death. It appears that the ancient creeds of the Church have been supplanted by this murderous slogan.
Historical consciousness, or the imparting of meaning to past events, is fundamentally a proposition of identity and communities of interest that are trans-ideological, for it presupposes the very rites, traditions, and perspectives that are the grounds for determination of historico-ontological entities. History presumes perspective and focus, and this prospect is only afforded by limited and cohesive identity. Thus, absent ethnic-racial identity, history is a Babel of shifting and conflicting interpretations, out of which can only come the call for the advocacy of specific interests that cannot be universal. Thus, without race and its subset of ethnic continuities, history is reduced to mere historiography, and absent perspective, is essentially silent.
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